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Extra info for Culture and Government: The Emergence of Literary Education

Sample text

Furthermore . . Sunday school teachers were predominantly working class, funds often came from the working-class community, and indeed the lower orders responded as eagerly to the philanthropic surge of the late eighteenth century as did other strata of society. The great majority of Sunday schools were neither the direct product of industrialism nor of the middle class. , p. 216) But it is Laqueur's second line of argument that bears most centrally on our inquiry into the formation of popular education.

Kay-Shuttleworth was soon to be permanent secretary to the Committee of [the Privy] Council on Education, established in the face of fierce religious and political opposition in 1839 as the first government body to have responsibility for overseeing the development of popular education. Evidence given to the Select Committee was concerned with the need for public intervention into the funding, organisation and inspection of schools, and into the training of teachers. Kay-Shuttleworth's testimony concerned the social and moral benefits that would flow from replacing the patchwork of small private and religious schools with large systematically administered institutions, provided that the monitorial discipline of the latter was 'humanised' along Stowian lines.

532, 547) Like Stow, Kay-Shuttleworth is concerned to modify monitorialism by installing a pedagogy which will 'develop the peculiarities of character, and especially the moral tendencies of different characters'; and the moral superintendence of the playground remains the emblem of the means by which this shaping of the person might be achieved 'without applying any Government 41 restraint'. At the same time it is clear that this humanising and individualising pedagogy shares the monitorial imperative to enclose large numbers of children in special purpose-built spaces, where their development might be subjected to a single formative regimen.

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